The Involvement of the Southern Police Institute in Police Reform: A Historical Example

Authors: 

Michael Bassi, Director – Southern Police Institute, University of Louisville 

Gennaro F. Vito, Professor, Department of Criminal Justice, University of Louisville 

Abstract 

This article examines the historical role of the Southern Police Institute (SPI) in police reform, with a focus on its efforts to improve police-community relations and address racial tensions. ​ It highlights the evolution of American policing, marked by systemic racism and social unrest, and the challenges faced in aligning law enforcement practices with community needs. ​ The SPI, founded in 1951 at the University of Louisville, played a pivotal role in advancing police training, particularly in the area of race relations. ​ It also discusses the impact of the 1960s civil rights movements on policing and the findings of the Kerner Commission, which underscored the need for significant reforms. ​ The SPI's ongoing mission includes promoting accountability, transparency, and community engagement in modern policing. ​ 

Introduction 

In recent years, police use of force and the relationship of police departments with their communities have been questioned. Specifically, the following definition of police reform has been prescribed: The advancement of the policing profession to eliminate the cultural and institutional impediments that contribute to community trauma and to align the needs and rights of every member of society with the mission and methods of United States Law Enforcement.  

Indeed, the history of American policing is marred by racist practices and oppression. In the 1700s, slave patrols began in the Carolinas and later transitioned into many early southern law enforcement agencies after the Civil War. By 1865, “Black Codes” (“Jim Crow” laws) enforced state-sanctioned discrimination and oppression by police. In Chicago, during the “Lager Beer Riots” (1855), police used the authority of the political elite to oppress minority German and Irish Immigrants. In the 1960s Civil Rights Era, nationwide brutality occurred under the color of authority towards black activists and allies, marked by botched investigations and collusion with white supremacist criminals, fostering a societal memory and mistrust, mainly by communities of color. From 1935 to 1972, the FBI under J. Edgar Hoover targeted American Citizens with illegal surveillance and intimidation for non-criminal issues, including suspected communists, homosexuals, political rivals, and civil rights leaders.  Beginning in the 1970s, the “War on Drugs” placed police at the forefront of practices that led to the mass incarceration of African Americans. Multiple incidents of police killings of minorities, with a perceived lack of accountability, have continued to drive social justice and reform protests and civil unrest to the present day. 

Johnson (1981) notes that four social forces were at work that influenced policing:  1) Nativism, prejudice against persons of foreign birth; 2) Racism - race riots in major cities; 3) Social reform, abolition of slavery; and 4) Politics - the absence of stable political machines. These historical forces made it difficult for American policing to follow the British Peelian policing model. The rise of the professional movement in policing emphasized that these organizations should be "kept out of the purview of citizens, academics, researchers, and other persons with interest in the police (Uchida, 1993, p. 20)." Police departments became closed systems, separated from the citizens they were designed to serve. 

The history of policing is one of alienation from minority communities. The police were viewed as the agents of an oppressive system of racism and injustice. As Mann states, this is an indelible impression rooted in a long and bloody history of minority oppression (Mann, 1993, p. 134). As a result, police departments now struggle to find and develop the level of support necessary to implement reforms (such as community policing) in urban areas. Despite official measures to eliminate police brutality, resentment still exists. Many of the problems and issues police face today can be traced to their institutional and social roots. For example, multiple incidents of police killings of minorities (with a perceived lack of accountability) drove social justice and reform protests and civil unrest to the present day. 

The idea of professionalization became the dominant rationale in police departments. By the end of the 1930s, the central features of modern American police administration had taken shape. Police organizations conformed to a single model: large bureaucratic structures organized along hierarchical, semi-military lines. For the rank and file, police work was a lifelong career, and the officers themselves were increasingly drawn into a tight-knit subculture. Almost no new ideas or techniques were introduced in police administration from the 1940s through the mid-1960s. The national crisis over the role of the police that erupted in the 1960s was a direct consequence of several decades of police reform.   

During the 1960s and 1970s, political and social unrest, coupled with the "due process" revolution initiated by the U.S. Supreme Court, profoundly impacted policing. The public and the police were brought into conflict under the Civil Rights and Anti-Vietnam War movements. Racial and ethnic minorities felt that the police discriminated against them and made them the target of deadly force. As a result, riots erupted in minority communities: New York City (1964), Los Angeles (1965), Detroit (1967), and Miami and Newark (1968). As a result, President Lyndon B. Johnson established the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders to investigate the causes of these disturbances.  

The Kerner Commission, established by President Lyndon B. Johnson, investigated the causes of civil disturbances in the 1960s. ​ It uncovered several problems in police-community relations, including police brutality, harassment, abuse of power against minorities, inadequate training and supervision, poor police-community relations, and the lag in employing black police officers relative to population growth. ​ The findings highlighted the need for significant reforms in policing to address these issues (Uchida, 1993, p. 29).  

Police will always be the symbol and reality of the government's power and authority. It is a delicate balance in a free society. Unfortunately, despite the best intentions, courage, compassion, and integrity of the vast majority of LEOs, Policing as an industry has become the dumping ground for the most complicated societal issues – homelessness, mental health, drug use, and societal violence. 

The Founding of the Southern Police Institute 

The Southern Police Institute was founded at the University of Louisville in 1951 to address these social concerns and improve police-community relations. The Louisville Urban League had a part in initiating and developing the idea. Dr. Joseph Lohman of the University of Chicago, chairman of the Illinois Division of Corrections, in Louisville as a guest speaker for the Urban League, suggested the idea to Col. David A. McCandless, former Louisville Safety Director, now director of the institute, and Chief of Police Carl Heustis. These men enlisted the help of the University of Louisville and various civic leaders of the city, as well as police officials, in setting up the institute. Grants from the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Rockefeller Foundation helped establish the institute.  

The SPI made significant contributions to police reform in several key ways. It offered specialized training courses in race relations, including a 20-hour series of lectures and discussions on social aspects of policing. ​ This training covered racial tensions, police roles, public relations, and legal controls. ​Its initial curriculum offered three 12-week courses per year (with 25 students in each course), bringing in instructors from various cities known for their expertise in the field. It featured a 20-hour series of lectures and discussions on the social aspects of policing, covering topics such as racial tensions, police roles, public relations, and legal controls. ​As a result, the SPI became a leader in advanced training for police officers in handling authority properly and addressing racial and community tensions. Officers attending these courses disseminated the techniques they learned to their respective departments, contributing to improved community relations.  (“Police institute here is praised as a race relations training leader,” Louisville Courier-Journal, 1953). 

The SPI Race Relations Conference 

On April 8-10, 1963, the Southern Police Institute sponsored a seminar on “Police Responsibility for Race Tensions and Conflict” at the Sheraton Hotel in Louisville, KY. The conference was co-sponsored by the International Association of Chiefs of Police and funded by the Ford Foundation. Colonel David A. McCandless, Director of the Southern Police Institute, coordinated the effort by selecting the speakers and panel members. McCandless invited over 100 southern law enforcement officers and civil rights leaders to “consider seriously how the police may fulfill their responsibility of maintaining public peace” when confronting civil rights segregation protests (The Southern Police Institute, 1963, p. 3). McCandless hoped that “the police executives attending will benefit from these candid face-to-face discussions and that, possibly, some channels of communication may be established which might prove helpful to police in their responsibility of preserving order and preventing violence” (Richmond VA News Leader, 1963). 

Some of the invited law enforcement officials denounced the reasons for and the purpose of the conference and declined their invitation. Walter L. Allen, Chief of the Service Division of the Alabama Department of Public Safety, exclaimed: “I, for one, shall not surrender (to desegregation). I may be beaten, but I will not be conquered. Moreover, two million Alabamans will be with me. Complaints are heard that law enforcement represses the Negro. The repression of license, not of liberty. You are sowing a whirlwind. May God protect you when you reap the tempest” (Richmond, VA News Leader, 1963). 

The Commissioner of Public Safety for Shreveport, LA, George W. D’Artois, expressed strong opposition to the conference and declined to attend after learning that high-ranking officers of the NAACP and CORE would be keynote speakers. D’Artois expressed concerns that these individuals, whom he considered agitators of race relations, might attempt to influence or "brainwash" the police administrators attending the conference. Additionally, D’Artois questioned the fairness of the conference, particularly regarding the exclusion of the press and public from specific sessions, and raised doubts about the institute's intentions in inviting speakers whose views he believed could violate state law. Another Shreveport official, Fred McCoy, supported D’Artois’ views: “Why any white man should want to attend the meeting in Louisville is more than I can understand. Our officers do not need any instructions regarding race relations. Let us keep the benefits of integration in Washington, New York City, Chicago, and other Northern cities, where it is bringing hatred between the races and bankruptcy to these Northern cities. The South does not need the brainwashing that will be put out at the coming meeting in Louisville. Let all self-respecting Southern Law Enforcement officers boycott this meeting like it was the plague” (Louisville Courier-Journal, 1963). 

However, law enforcement leaders who spoke at the conference were optimistic about improving relations with persons of color. Embracing the U.S. Supreme Court ruling against segregation, Atlanta Police Chief H.T. Jenkins emphasized the importance of upholding the decision as the law of the land, regardless of personal views on racial issues. Chief Jenkins believed this commitment to following the law was crucial in avoiding violence during the integration of Atlanta schools in 1960. 

Dean of the School of Criminology at UC Berkley, Joseph D. Lohman, challenged the notion that violence between the police and civil rights protestors is unavoidable, highlighting the role of the police in preventing violence by upholding the law and remaining impartial. ​ This perspective was essential in promoting peaceful civil rights demonstrations. Lohman emphasized the importance of police officers enforcing the law independently of local traditions and social norms. This approach aimed to ensure the law was applied uniformly and fairly, regardless of community biases. 

Both Jenkins and Lohman underscored the significance of police officers as symbols of society's impartiality and authority. ​ Maintaining this impartiality was crucial in building trust with the community and avoiding favoritism towards any group during civil rights demonstrations. Jenkins stressed that the police force's primary role is to enforce the law impartially rather than taking sides as integrationists or segregationists. This dedication to being a law enforcement officer helped maintain order during challenging times (The Louisville Times, 1963). 

At the conference, law enforcement speakers expressed their candid opinions on race relations and the importance of sharing diverse viewpoints. The former police chief of St. Petersburg, FL, E. Wilson Purdy, voiced optimism about addressing problems in race relations: “Integration is new in many sections and has not yet reached many sections, but as police officers, let’s face it—for every school or sit-in case this year, there will be ten next year. And so, it will go regardless of our personal feelings. We are involved in a battle of delaying tactics, often characterized by supercharged emotion rather than intelligent reasoning” (Richmond VA News Leader, 1963). 

Leaders of civil rights organizations held positive views based on the results of the conference discussions. James Farmer, the national director of the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE), was surprised by his dialogue with police officials in attendance: “I had expected to meet two demons. However, after talking to them (the police), I can see they are intelligent people. They’re only doing what I would do if I were in their place. Now I know what I am facing” (Richmond VA News Leader, 1963). Roy Wilkins, executive secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, echoed Lohman’s view that violence between police and the black community was not inevitable: “The Negro citizen does not subscribe to violence as a method of securing his rights but that he has come to the point where he is not afraid of violence. He will assert himself, and if violence comes, so will it. If the campaigns go on long enough and resistance maintains itself, the preachers of violence could gain followers. The new industrial South cannot afford racial repression and violence. Law enforcement should become an extension of the Constitution rather than a roadblock to the Negro’s rights as a citizen and as a human being” (“Negro Use of Violence Forecast If Protests Fail,” Negro Use of Violence Forecast If Protests Fail The Louisville Times, 1963). 

The Social Justice Perspective: Areas of Police Reform 

Over the years since this conference, several policies have been identified as the basis for police reform. Coverage of these topics bolsters the instruction in the SPI’s Administrative Officer’s Course at the Southern Police Institute.   

Accountability and Transparency 

The unbiased investigation of police misconduct requires enhanced police oversight, improved data collection, and the public dissemination of information. The involvement of police unions and the practice of qualified immunity of police officers should be monitored. Most importantly, police chiefs must hold officers accountable for the lawful use of their policing powers (Mazerolle, Bennett, Davis, Sargeant, & Manning, 2013).  

Excessive Use of Force 

The documented statistical disparity in force used against people of color has led to calls to ban specific techniques (such as carotid restraint) with calls for de-escalation training (Engel, McManus, & Herold, 2020). Shootings by the police must also be closely monitored and reported to the public (Zimring, 2017). The use of body-worn cameras by the police offers a method to facilitate this process (Lum, Stolz, Koper, & Scherer, 2019). 

End Discriminatory Enforcement Practices 

Methods such as racial profiling used in traffic stops, stop, question, and frisk, and the over-policing of specific neighborhoods have been called into question (Khan & Smirnov, 2023). Stop and frisk operations also lead to the over-policing of persons of color, foster mistrust of the police, and question their legitimacy (Vito, Higgins, & Vito, 2021). 

Inadequate Training 

Training should emphasize “soft skills,” restraint, and anti-racism beliefs, combatting implicit bias, addressing problem-solving, conflict mediation, and cultural competency, and providing critical incidents training (Rogers, McNiel, & Binder, 2019). 

Change Police Culture 

Guardianship must replace the Warrior model. The militarization of the police should be reduced. An “Us vs. Them” viewpoint should be abandoned to support all community members. A “Duty to Intervene” must eliminate the police code of silence. Resistance to change must be addressed. Culture can function as either a help or a hindrance to the implementation of change, as it is the basis for how organizational members perceive and feel about their organization, its leadership, and their work. Change agents should observe and understand it to implement change successfully.  

The concept of culture is essential when attempting to manage organization-wide change. Many of the organizational changes in policing have not been successful because they failed to address the organizational cultural norms of the employees involved (Paoline & Gau, 2018).  

Conclusion 

Police Reform must occur on the national stage, and we cannot wait for the pendulum of public sentiment to swing back towards frustration and unrest to make the systemic changes necessary for the advancement of society. The same courage, compassion, and drive that guides the 21st-century American Police Professional to sacrifice all, for the good of the community, must be extended to the efforts of bringing the most noble of purpose-driven professions to the forefront of equity and opportunity for all citizens. 

The Southern Police Institute (SPI) has played a pivotal role in addressing the historical and ongoing challenges in police-community relations. ​ Founded in 1951, the SPI has been at the forefront of police reform, emphasizing the importance of training in race relations and the proper handling of authority. ​ The institute's efforts, including the 1963 Race Relations Conference, have highlighted the need for law enforcement to uphold the law impartially and foster community trust. ​ Despite resistance from some quarters, the SPI's initiatives have underscored the significance of accountability, transparency, and the need to end discriminatory practices. ​ Moving forward, the SPI remains a standard-bearer for 21st-century policing, advocating for systemic changes and leveraging partnerships to drive meaningful reform. ​ The commitment to equity, opportunity, and the noble purpose of policing remains central to the SPI's mission, ensuring that law enforcement serves all citizens with integrity and compassion. ​ 

References 

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Vito, A., Higgins, G., & Vito, G. (2021). Police stop and frisk and the impact of race: A focal concerns theory approach. Social Sciences, 10(6), 230. 

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